Skip to content

【Aeon】同事能合作,同室何操戈?

【Aeon】同事能合作,同室何操戈?


手足同胞之间的关系,看似摇摆不定,个中却有规律可循。同许多人际关系一样,手足之间的分分合合、恩怨情仇,都是由竞争造成的。我们为了获得父母的关爱,对他们吹耳旁风,这是在争夺有限的资源。既然兄弟姐妹也想从中分一杯羹,我们之间的冲突就无法避免。但竞争有趣的点在于,如果集中于家庭内部,会导致家庭不和,亲手足也都能变成仇敌。但如果扩散开来,其负面效应就会减弱,反而会产生善意与信任。城市、企业和政府的存在,就是竞争扩散效应的最好证明,因为它们的建立,正是基于和其他群体的竞争与对抗。


同事能合作,同室何操戈?

【Aeon】同事能合作,同室何操戈?

作者: D B Krupp

译者:王津雨 & 邵海灵

校对:邹世昌

策划:赵萌萌


Kill the competition: why siblings fight but colleagues cooperate 

消灭竞争:同事能合作,同室何操戈?


本文选自 Aeon | 取经号原创翻译

关注取经号,回复关键词“外刊”

获取《经济学人》等原版外刊获得方法

 

There is a certain rhythm to the swing of sibling relations. We resent our brothers and sisters in childhood. We support them in adulthood. We sue them after the reading of the will. The choreographer of this dance, as in so many others, is competition. When we lobby our parents for their affection and income, we make a claim on finite resources. And since our siblings also expect their cut, we inevitably come into conflict with them.

手足同胞之间的关系,看似摇摆不定,个中却有规律可循。我们在童年时代会憎恨自己的兄弟姐妹,长大成人后却会相互扶持,而等长辈的遗嘱宣读完毕后,我们又把对方告上法庭。同许多人际关系一样,手足之间的分分合合、恩怨情仇,都是由竞争造成的。我们为了获得父母的关爱和收入而对他们吹耳旁风,这是在争夺有限的资源。既然兄弟姐妹也想从中分一杯羹,我们之间的冲突就无法避免。

sibling [ ‘sibliŋ ] n. a person’s brother or sister 兄弟姐妹

lobby [ˈlɑbi]  v. If you lobby someone such as a member of a government or council, you try to persuade them that a particular law should be changed or that a particular thing should be done. 游说


What is implicit in childhood and often made explicit in later adulthood, when the family estate is parcelled out and someone is unhappy with their lot, is that we are at those times in competition with our siblings above anyone else; people from other households are not entitled to our parents’ resources, and we are not entitled to theirs. In that long, happy period between childhood and the inheritance, however, we must vie instead for work and love with challengers from outside of our family. Competition between siblings thus relaxes, and our brothers and sisters become our friends, too.

当家庭财产被分割、且有人不满于自己的份额之时,我们和兄弟姐妹之间的竞争就比和其他任何人之间都要激烈,这一表现在我们的童年时期还不算明显,但常常在成年以后就变得毫无遮掩。因为外人无权占有我们父母的产业,我们也无权继承别人父母的遗产。然而,从童年时代直到面临遗产继承问题之间那段漫长而快乐的时光里,我们却要在职场和情场上与家族之外的竞争对手轮番较量,手足之间的竞争于是得以缓解,兄弟姐妹也就成了我们的朋友。


We are more likely to share copies of our genes with blood relatives than with anyone else. This creates a shared interest in their success, because the production of nieces and nephews is simultaneously the reproduction of our genes. And so, over evolutionary time, genes that caused their bearers to care especially for their kin found their way into everything from microbes to plants and animals, including humans. Indeed, the American zoologist Richard Alexander, who died recently, once wrote that we ‘should have evolved to be exceedingly effective nepotists, and we should have evolved to be nothing else at all’. Consequently, siblings rarely kill each other. But when they do, the motive is usually competitive.

与其他任何人相比,我们与骨肉血亲拥有相同基因的几率都要大得多。这使家族成员之间形成了共赢的关系,因为侄子侄女的出生也是在复制我们的基因。因此,在生物进化过程中,所有物种的体内——从微生物、植物到包括人类在内的一切动物——都潜入了这种让生物体对亲族照顾有加的“利己基因”。实际上,最近去世的美国动物学家理查德·亚历山大就曾写道:“我们就应该进化成不折不扣的任人唯亲者,除此之外没有第二种可能。”正因为如此,兄弟姐妹间极少互相残杀。可一旦他们这么做,其动机基本都在于竞争。

kin [kɪn] n. A person having kinship with another or others or a group of people related by blood or marriage 亲戚


The Canadian psychologist Martin Daly, whose own sister briefly buried him alive when he was a baby, studied fratricides – men killing their brothers – with his late wife and fellow psychologist Margo Wilson. The only cases they could find in the ethnographic record were from agricultural societies with patrilineal inheritance: societies in which wealth could be accumulated and access to it limited by kinship, thereby intensifying competition within families. The majority of these murders were disputes over property and authority, a theme they later discovered again in fratricides in industrialised societies.

加拿大心理学家马丁·戴利在还是婴儿的时候,就遭到亲生姐姐的活埋。他曾和同为心理学家的已故妻子玛戈·威尔逊一起,研究过弑杀手足的行为——即人杀死自己兄弟的行为。他们能在民族志纪录中找到的唯一一批案例,都来自具有父系继承传统的农业社会:个人财富可以积累,而这种财富只有亲属才能获得,从而加剧了家族内部的竞争。这些谋杀行为大多源于由财产和权力所引发的争端,后来戴利夫妇在研究工业化社会中的弑兄行为时,也发现了相同的根源。


Unrelated acquaintances kill each other far more often, of course, and for a lot less. Men, who are the main perpetrators of lethal violence everywhere, have dispatched other men for the smallest provocations: a shove, an insult, a dirty look. Such disputes are so common and so mercurial that criminologists have given them their own category of motive, the nebulous ‘altercation of relatively trivial origin’. To the men involved, however, there is little trivial about them. They are a reflection of competition over status among neighbours and the very real benefits, such as money and power, that come with it.

当然,没有亲属关系的熟人之间相互残杀的行为,发生频率要高得多,引起争端的缘由大多都是不足挂齿的小事。人类作为世界上各类致命暴力行为的主要凶手,行凶的原因却是某些小得不能再小的事情:一个推搡、一次羞辱、一个白眼。这种争端太过普遍、太过反复无常,所以犯罪学家将其产生动机单独分了一类,笼统称之为“因琐事引发的争端”。但对当事人来说,这些可不是小事。上述争端反映了同类之间围绕地位——乃至与之而来的金钱、权力等这些特别切实的利益——而展开的竞争。

dispatch [dɪ’spætʃ] v. To kill a person or animal 杀死,处决


Competition scales to the landscape, giving rise to contours drawn tight or wide depending upon the resource. Candidates for an internal promotion at the local factory work in the same building and are liable to live in the same town, creating local competition: the people we directly interact with are also our closest competitors. However, candidates for an external hire at a multinational technology company might live anywhere in the world, creating global competition: the handful of people we interact with are no more our competitors than the many others we will never have a chance to meet.

竞争的激烈程度与涉及的范围大小是成比例的,且随资源多少而变化。本地工厂里争夺晋升职位的职员在同一栋大楼中工作,而且通常也住在同一个镇子里,这就会引发本地范围内的竞争:那些与我们直接打交道的人也是离我们最近的竞争者。但是,竞聘跨国科技公司外招职位的申请者有可能来自世界各地,他们之间就会产生全球性的竞争:许许多多我们永远没机会见上一面的对手,和少数我们打过照面的人一样,都是我们与之竞争的对象。


Local competition stymies cooperation, whereas global competition fosters it. We see this in the evolution of aggression in fig wasps competing for the same mates. But we also see it in humans, in experiments where people play economic games, making either mutually beneficial decisions that help or selfish decisions that hurt their partners’ chances of winning money by earning points. In one study after another, participants make more selfish choices under local competition, when they are told that they must best their partners to collect their money. Conversely, they make more helpful choices under global competition, when they must earn scores in the top half of all participants – irrespective of how their partners perform – to collect.

区域性的竞争会削弱合作,全球性的竞争却能加强它。我们可以从一种名叫榕小蜂的蜜蜂为争夺配偶而互相攻击的进化过程中看到这一点。但在一些实验中,人类的选择也体现出了同样的规律。研究员让被试参与一场赚钱游戏,他们可以做出让双方都能获利的决定,也能做出利己的选择:只为自己赚取点数,以减少对方赢钱的机会。在一次又一次实验中,参与者在区域性的竞争中都做出了更为自私的决定,因为他们被告知,必须打败对手才能获得他们的财富。相反,如果他们必须让自己的得分排在靠前的百分之五十才能赚到钱——无论对手的表现如何——那么在这种全球性的竞争中,他们会做出更有利于共赢的决定。


The effects of local competition are especially severe in the face of inequality. Some resources hold more value than others, creating inequality between those who win it and those who don’t, and so they are worth fighting harder for. But local competition amplifies this effect, making small differences in the stakes loom large. In my own work, participants in an economic game made selfish choices more often as inequality increased, causing them to get into ‘fights’ with their partners that cost them points. However, they fought most often under local competition, even when there was only a small amount of inequality between them, and lost many more points as a result.

在不平等的情况下,区域性竞争的负面影响就会变得格外严重。某些资源具有更高的价值,所以是否拥有这些资源就会导致人与人的不平等,人们也会为争夺它而付出更大的代价。区域性的竞争放大了这种效应,把原本细微的差异变成了难以逾越的鸿沟。在我自己的实验中,随着不公的加剧,参与赚钱游戏的被试者也会做出更多利己的选择,乃至与同伴“大打出手”,结果失去了分数。然而,在区域性的竞争中,即使只存在一点点的不平等,他们大打出手的频率也是最高的,结果反而失去了更多的分数。


This might well explain some otherwise puzzling patterns in real-world violence. In his book Killing the Competition (2016), Daly shows that homicide rates are high in places with greater levels of inequality and low in places with lesser levels of inequality. If, however, local competition amplifies the effect of inequality on homicide and global competition quiets it, then changes in human trade and migration – diffusing competition over larger swathes of the population – can break the simple correlation we expect between inequality and homicide over time. Inequality can grow, for instance, at the same time that competition becomes global, with the latter sharply reducing the impact of the former.

现实世界的暴力行为中某些令人费解的规律,或许能藉此得到解释。在《消灭竞争》一书中,戴利的研究显示,在不平等尤为突出的地区,凶杀案的发生率也特别高,反之亦然。然而,假如区域性的竞争能放大不平等对凶杀案发生率造成的影响,而全球性的竞争可以削弱这种影响,那随着时间的推移,人类的贸易和迁徙就能打破不平等和犯罪率之间的相关性——因为这些活动相当于在更大的人口范围内把竞争稀释了。比如说,在竞争日趋全球化的同时,不平等可能也会加剧,但前者能大幅降低后者造成的影响。


The same logic can also explain civil war. Inequality across an entire country does not help predict the risk that a group of people living in that country will take up arms against the government. But inequality between that group and the governing one does. This is a simple extension of competitive logic: competition is somewhat global, and the competitors use local networks of group membership, such as ethnicity, to collaborate in order to secure political and economic resources for themselves, at the expense of other groups. Thus, with the help of inequality, global competition turns cooperation at lower levels of social organisation into conflict at higher ones.

同样的原理也能用来解释内战。全国范围内普遍存在的不平等,并不能让我们预测出人民武装反抗政府的可能性有多大。但如果是一个群体和执政者之间出现了不平等,他们与政府兵戎相见的可能性就显而易见了。这是竞争逻辑的简单延申:竞争多多少少都是全球性的,来自世界各地的竞争者会运用本地团体的关系网(比如同一个种族的人)来彼此合作,以确保自己能获得政治和经济方面的资源,而这必然是以其他种族失去资源为代价的。因此,在不平等的推动下,全球化的竞争把低层次社会组织之间的合作转化为高层次组织之间的冲突。


The way that competition is distributed across a society has an outsized, yet overlooked, influence on our lives. As it becomes concentrated within households and within neighbourhoods, it brings familial discord and hostile streets. As it spreads further from its centre, however, its effects weaken, and gestures of goodwill and trust emerge instead. The very existence of cities, corporations and governments testifies to the power of this spreading-out of competition, built as they are on the backs of rivalries with other people, elsewhere.

竞争在全社会的分布状况对我们的生活有着巨大的影响,但这种影响却被忽视了。如果竞争集中于家庭和社区的内部,就会导致家庭不和、把邻里变成仇敌。但随着竞争的逐步扩张,其负面效应也会减弱,取而代之的是善意与信任的举动。城市、企业和政府的存在,就是竞争扩张效应的最好证明,因为它们的建立,正是基于和其他群体的竞争与对抗。

outsized  [‘aʊtsaɪzd]  adj. larger than normal for its kind 特大的,巨大的



上个账号被 永封


提出问题的人 被解决了


后台回复关键词和谐】


防止取经号 再次消失


#访问取经号官网#

网站域名 qujinghao.com,即“取经号”的全拼

#外刊资源#

后台回复 外刊,获取《经济学人》等原版外刊获得方法

#关注取经号#

扫描 二维码,关注跑得快的取经号(id: J2West


【Aeon】同事能合作,同室何操戈?

<原文链接:https://aeon.co/ideas/kill-the-competition-why-siblings-fight-but-colleagues-cooperate>

始发于微信公众号: 取经号

Be First to Comment

发表评论

电子邮件地址不会被公开。 必填项已用*标注