Skip to content

【纽约时报】美国:昔日的大熔炉,今日的内斗战场

【纽约时报】美国:昔日的大熔炉,今日的内斗战场


取经号JTW

渴望归属于族群是人之天性,而当众多族群聚集,为担负“熔炉”之名,疼痛、矛盾、争吵、混乱成为国家的必经之途。在一个包容逐渐变得稀罕,理解慢慢成为奢侈的年代,这把熊熊燃烧的‘部落主义’之火在我们家中烧起或许只是早晚之事,也可能,早以不自知的方式登场了。


美国:昔日的大熔炉,如今的内斗战场


【纽约时报】美国:昔日的大熔炉,今日的内斗战场


作者:Laila Lalami

译者:李林治

校对:徐唱

策划:言寺


Does American ‘Tribalism’ End in a Compromise, or a Fight?

美国‘部落主义’的终点是妥协还是斗争?


本文选自 The New York Times | 取经号原创翻译

关注 取经号,回复关键词“外刊”

获取《经济学人》等原版外刊获得方法


Early in June, the valedictorian at Bell County High School in southeastern Kentucky delivered a graduation speech filled with inspirational quotations that, he said with a twinkle in his eye, he’d found on Google. One line, in particular, drew wild applause from the crowd in this conservative part of the country: “ ‘Don’t just get involved. Fight for your seat at the table. Better yet, fight for a seat at the head of the table.’ — Donald J. Trump.” As people cheered, though, the valedictorian issued a correction: “Just kidding, that was Barack Obama.” Right away, the applause died down, and a boo could be heard. The identity of the messenger, it was painfully evident, mattered more than the content of the message.

六月初,肯塔基东南的贝尔郡中学毕业生代表满怀激情地发表了充满金句的毕业词。他双眼闪耀地说,这些句子都是从谷歌上搜来的。其中一句在这个美国的保守地区引来了阵阵掌声:“‘不仅要参与,还要争取自己的一席之地。最好是能坐上头把交椅。’——特朗普。”然而,当人群欢呼时,毕业生代表纠正道:“开个玩笑,其实这是奥巴马说的。”马上,掌声停了下来,甚至还能听到嘘声。虽然很痛苦,但是很明显:金句出自谁口比它自身内容更重要。


When Americans hear about “tribalism,” they often imagine a faraway land where one ethnic or religious faction mercilessly persecutes another for generations. Only recently have many in this country begun to appraise the extent of the tribalism at home. Writing for The Times’s Op-Ed page in February, Amy Chua, the Yale law professor who once extolled the merits of “tiger moms,” warned about the dangers of a “zero-sum tribalist contest.” Jonah Goldberg, the conservative columnist and pundit who once railed against “liberal fascism,” recently went on NPR’s “Morning Edition” to sound the alarm on “a cheap form of tribalism,” telling the host Steve Inskeep that “people are retreating into their little cocoons.” And in a Wall Street Journal op-ed, Senator Orrin Hatch lamented that identity politics — “tribalism by another name” — could turn the nation into “a divided country of ideological ghettos.”

当美国人听到“部落主义”时,他们通常想象的是在遥远的某处有一种族或宗教世世代代无情地压迫其他种族。直到最近,这个国家才开始有很多人评估“部落”意识在国内的重要性。曾高度赞扬“虎妈”优点的耶鲁法学博士蔡美儿,在二月给《泰晤士报》写评论文章时警告人们“部落主义零和游戏”的危险之处。而曾经责骂“自由派法西斯主义”的保守专栏作家、权威评论员戈卓纳·登伯格,在最近做客美国国家公共电台《早间版》时,告诫人们“廉价版部落主义”的危险性。他告诉主持人史蒂夫·英斯基普:“人们正在退回他们的安乐窝。”而共和党议员奥林·哈奇则在《华尔街时报》的一篇评论文章中悲叹有“部落主义的别称”的认同政治可能会将这个国家变成“充满意识形态聚集区的分裂国家”。

appraise /əˈpreɪz/ v. to examine someone or something in order to judge their qualities, success, or needs 评估

lament /ləˈment/ v. to express sadness and feeling sorry about something 对…感到悲痛,对…表示失望,痛惜

译者注:零和博弈(zero-sum game)指参与博弈的各方,在严格竞争下,一方的收益必然意味着另一方的损失,博弈各方的收益和损失相加总和永远为“零”,双方不存在合作的可能。(Baidu)


In its first sense, tribalism refers to the organization of people along lines of common ancestry or joint identity for the purpose of exercising political power — as the indigenous people of many parts of the world, including the Americas, have long done. But over time, as new forms of governance appeared — city-states, kingdoms and especially empires, which controlled vast colonies with different races, cultures and languages — tribalism came to be seen as crude and antiquated, a political structure that could never hope to address the challenges of large states. And now, in the modern era, the word is used almost exclusively in its second, derogatory sense, to suggest an irrational loyalty to your people.

部落主义的第一层意思,是指拥有共同祖先或共同身份的一群人为了行使政治权利而形成的组织——正如世界上很多地方的原住民(包括美洲人)长久以来所做的那样。但时过境迁,随着新的治理方式的出现——城邦制、君主制、尤其是帝国制,控制着大量殖民地,而殖民地中又有各种种族、文化和语言——使得部落主义看起来既粗鲁又陈旧,且永远无法解决大国的各种挑战。而且,在现代这个词专门被用来表达它的第二层贬损之意,即对同类人非理性的忠诚。

indigenous /ɪnˈdɪdʒ.ə.nəs/ adj. naturally existing in a place or country rather than arriving from another place 当地的,本土的

derogatory /dɪˈrɑː.ɡə.tɔːr.i/ showing strong disapproval and not showing respect 诋毁的,贬损的


The impulse to belong to a clan is deeply human, however, and new tribes continue to form, organized not around ancestry but along fuzzier lines of ideology or demography. Modern tribes, like ancient ones, have idiosyncratic languages; one faction might speak of “illegal aliens,” “traditional families” and “the life of the unborn,” while the other talks of “undocumented workers,” “marriage equality” and “my body, my choice.” They rule over separate territories, listen to different oracles, uphold distinct values and dismiss contradictory information as unreliable propaganda or “fake news.”

想要归属于一个群体的冲动是非常符合人性的。然而,新族群的不断出现和组建并非是基于祖先血脉,而是基于更加含糊不清的意识形态或者人口结构。现代族群和古代一样,都有特定的语言;一个小集团或许会说“非法移民”、“传统家庭”、和“未出世的生命”,而其他的则会说“无手续移民”、“婚姻平等”以及“我的身体我我做主”。他们统治着各自的土地、听从不同的神示、拥护自己的价值观、摒除矛盾的信息并视它们为不可靠的鼓吹或“虚假新闻”。

idiosyncratic /ˌɪd.i.əˈsɪŋ.krə.si/ a strange or unusual habit, way of behaving, or feature that someone or something has (个人的)习性,特点


Above all, tribe members protect one another from perceived attacks by outsiders. Last April, when the MSNBC host Joy Reid was found to have posted homophobic content on a now-defunct blog (and claimed, dubiously, to have been hacked), many liberals rallied to her side anyway, pointing out that the posts were more than 10 years old and urging others to accept her profuse apologies. Had such posts been attributed to a Fox News personality, however, it’s almost certain those same liberals would have offered no opportunity for forgiveness. The gift of absolution is given within a tribe, and rarely outside it.

最重要的是,种族成员互相保护来免受他们眼里的外界攻击。去年四月,微软国家广播公司的主持人乔伊·瑞德被扒出在现已删除的博客上发表的恐同言论(令人怀疑的是,她声称账户遭黑),但很多自由党人士依旧选择支持她,称该博客距今已有十年,并力劝人们接受她的一再道歉。然而,如果福克斯新闻的一员发表这样的博客,几乎能肯定这些自由党人士不会给他们一点点的机会,更不会原谅他们。只有同一族群的人才能获得赦免这样的恩赐,而外族人几乎没有办法。


Political tribes can organize along stark lines: the working class versus the 1 percent, baby boomers versus millennials, city dwellers versus rural people. But they can also be more nebulous, forming around subtleties of education, lifestyle or cultural taste. Some years ago, when Howard Dean was the front-runner for the Democratic nomination for the presidency, the conservative PAC Club for Growth ran a TV ad in Iowa featuring an elderly white couple being asked about Dean’s tax proposal. “What do I think?” the husband says. “I think Howard Dean should take his tax-hiking, government-expanding, latte-drinking, sushi-eating, Volvo-driving, New York Times-reading —” Then his wife interrupts: “body-piercing, Hollywood-loving, left-wing freak show back to Vermont, where it belongs.”

政治族群可以根据以下这些清晰的界限划分:工薪阶层vs前1%的精英,婴儿潮vs千禧一代,城市居民vs乡村居民。但是它们也可以更含糊,根据教育、生活方式或者文化品位来划分。几年前,当霍华德·迪恩还是民主党第二候选人时,保守党PAC俱乐部曾在爱荷华州推出一则广告:一对年长的白人夫妇被问及迪恩的税收提议。“我怎么想?”丈夫说:“我认为霍华德应该提高税收、扩大政府、喝拿铁、吃寿司、开沃尔沃、读纽约时报——”然后妻子打断道:“把穿体装饰、好莱坞狂热、左翼畸形秀带回佛蒙特州,这些属于那儿。”

nebulous /ˈneb.jə.ləs/ (especially of ideas) not clear and having no form 星云的,含糊的

译者注:Political Action Committees(PAC),政治行动委员会,是支持候选人的私人政治组织


The question was at least putatively about Dean’s plan to repeal George W. Bush’s tax cuts, but instead of eliciting a coherent opinion on how much tax should reasonably be withheld, from whom and for what services, it provoked a rant against a particular group of people, who were characterized almost entirely through their lifestyle and consumer choices. There was no need to talk policy, because the policy was reframed as an embrace of one tribe and a rejection of the other.

这个问题显而易见是关于迪恩废除小布什税减政策的方案,但它并未探出人们对其问题的看法:减税到何种程度算合理?从谁身上减?目的是什么?相反的,它引发了对某一人群的强烈不满,而这一人群则是几乎被自身的生活方式和消费选择而定义的。关于政策的讨论已经没必要了,因为政策已经被架构为一族的糖浆,另一族的砒霜。

putative /ˈpjuː.tə.tɪv/ generally thought to be or to exist, even if this may not really be true 想象的,推断的


In principle, the United States is a country where various tribes are supposed to work in coalition to form what the founders called “a more perfect union.” Americans also pride themselves on having a “melting pot” model of immigration, in which each new group is thrown into the mix, contributing to the overall sustenance of the nation. But the reality is that, for most of this country’s history, one tribe has held power, deciding who was allowed to settle the land and who could be dispossessed, who was free and who was enslaved, who had the right to vote and who did not. The hegemony of white landowners prompted few, if any, complaints about tribalism in the national conversation. It was only when other factions began to demand justice and recognition — the “seat at the table” that Trump, but not Obama, was applauded for encouraging people to seek — that the debate about which tribe holds power became explicit rather than implicit.

从理论上来说,美国应该是一个由各种族群精诚合作,以创造奠基者口中那个“更完美合众国”的国家。美国人也因拥有“大熔炉”式的移民而自豪:每一个新团体被放进这个熔炉,给这个国家提供营养。但现实是,这个国家大部分的历史由一个族群掌权,它决定谁能留下,谁被丢弃,谁是自由的,谁是被奴役的,谁有权投票,而谁没有。即便白人霸权促使了全国讨论中对部落主义的批评,那也只有一小部分。只有当其他族群开始寻求正义和认可时——譬如特朗普,而非奥巴马鼓励人们寻求“一席之地”而获得掌声——关于谁能掌权的讨论才会变得直截了当,而非含糊不清。


It is not a coincidence, then, that use of the word “tribalism” in print increased significantly during the civil rights struggles, anti-war protests and cultural clashes of the 1960s, reaching a peak in 1972, when Richard Nixon campaigned for and won a second term. That era was characterized by turmoil, both abroad and here in the United States, where tribes rebelled against one another in nearly every public arena, from draft offices to college campuses to lunch counters. After Nixon’s resignation and the end of the Vietnam War, complaints about tribalism declined steadily, only to rise again in the 1990s.

那么,出版物中使用“部落主义”这个词的频率在民权斗争、反战抗争、以及上世纪六十年代的文化冲突期间急剧上升,且在1972年尼克松参与大选并获得连任时达到顶峰就并非巧合。那段时期国内外都很混乱,美国国内派系冲突几乎在每个公共区域都随处可见,无论是报社,大学校园,还是午餐柜台。在尼克松辞职以及越南战争结束后,对于部落主义的抱怨逐渐变少,只在上世纪九十年代重新变多。


Why the 1990s? Over the course of his presidency, Bill Clinton moved the Democratic Party to the right: He deregulated banks, cut welfare programs, signed the Defense of Marriage Act into law, built a border wall between San Diego and Tijuana and expanded mass incarceration. These are not progressive ideas, which left Republicans with few concrete policies that could distinguish them from Democrats. Republicans did, however, have culture — and, eventually, character. When Clinton’s affair with Monica Lewinsky surfaced in 1998, conservatives attacked him as the symbol of a lost and immoral society, while liberals minimized his offenses and portrayed the young intern as a harlot. Twenty years later, the two tribes would switch sides, with liberals denouncing Donald Trump for sexual predation while conservatives, including white evangelicals, rallied around him.

为什么是上世纪九十年代呢?克林顿在任职总统期间将民主党变成了右派:他解除了对银行的管制,减少了福利项目,签署了婚姻保护法案,在圣地亚哥和墨西哥提华纳之间建造了边界墙,且扩大了大规模监管。这些想法并不开明,也因此民主党只剩很少的具体政策可以将他们与共和党区别开来。然而,共和党的确有文化——以及其最后形成的自身特性。当克林顿和莱温斯基的性丑闻在1998年曝光时,保守党把他当作迷失且无道德的社会象征来攻击,而自由派人士则把他的侵犯最小化,并把那个年轻的实习生说成是妓女。二十年后,两派立场交换了:自由派谴责特朗普猎艳,而保守党(包括白人福音派信徒)都支持他。


Political tribes often display similar group behavior, but this doesn’t mean that the values they hold are equivalent. Tearing migrant children away from their parents, for instance, is not a morally neutral policy. In moments like these, complaints about tribalism can be politically expedient — a way of making even the most consequential debate seem like a mere spat between loyalists on either side. (Where was this passion for the fates of asylum seekers, some conservatives have asked, during the Obama administration?) By reducing every question to tribalist point-scoring, it becomes easier to escape the moral implications of taking an asylum-seeking child from his or her mother and incarcerating them hundreds of miles apart.

政治团体常常表现出相似的集体行为,但这并不代表他们的价值观相同。比如,迫使移民孩童离开父母并非是一个道德中立的政策。在这样的情况下,对于部落主义的控诉可以算是政策上的权宜之计——这能使得就算是最重要的争论也看起来仅仅像是两边拥护者的小争吵。(一些保守党人士问,奥巴马任期中怎么没有对寻求避难者命运的相似情绪?)当把每一个问题都归结为部落主义者是否获胜时,迫使移民孩童离开父母且将他们囚禁在数百英里之外所带来的道德含义则更容易被忽视。


Some people think that dialogue and debate can help the United States defeat its current tribalism. If only we could calmly talk about our differences, the argument goes, we would reach some compromise. But not all disagreements are bridgeable. The Union and the Confederacy did not resolve their differences through dialogue; it was a civil war that put an end to slavery. Jim Crow laws were defeated through mass protests and civil disobedience. Schools were desegregated though a Supreme Court decision, which had to be implemented with the help of the National Guard. The Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed as a political necessity during World War II. Some fights are not talked away; they are, in the end, either won or lost.

一些人认为对话和争辩能帮助美国击溃其现有的部落主义。只要我们能冷静地说出自己的不同,争执就会随风而去,我们也就能达成共识。但并非所有分歧都能通过协商解决。合众国和联盟国就没能通过对话解决纷争——奴役制是通过内战结束的。克劳法(种族隔离法)则是在大规模抗议和公民反对中败下阵来。学校通过最高法庭取消种族隔离,还是在国名警卫队的帮助下完成的。而排华法案则是在二战期间作为一种政治必要才遭废除。有些斗争无法用谈话解决,它们最终要么赢,要么输。

译者注:美国南北战争期间,北方国家称为美利坚合众国,南方国家称为美利坚联盟国。


This is not to say that tribal impasses of the moment can’t be broken. But it is generally not a good idea to expect people on the receiving end of brutal policies — like families broken apart by police violence, immigration raids, travel bans or anti-L.G.B.T. discrimination — to hash out a compromise over sweet tea. “Maybe we pushed too far,” Barack Obama is quoted as saying in a new memoir by Benjamin Rhodes, one of his closest aides. “Maybe people just want to fall back into their tribe.” What the ever-compromising Obama doesn’t consider is that resolution sometimes requires pushing even further.

这并不是说此刻的族群僵局无法被打破。但期待处在苛政中的人们(例如来自被政策暴力、移民掠夺、禁行令,或是LGBT歧视而变得支离破碎的家庭)边喝下午茶边商讨出个对策并非是一个好主意。“也许我们逼得太紧了,”奥巴马最亲近的助手杰明·罗兹在最新自传中引用了奥巴马的这句话。“或许人们仅仅想要回归他们自己的族群。”一向体面的奥巴马没有考虑的是,有时候解决问题的方法需要一再紧逼。

receiving end: the position in which one is subject to some kind of action or effect, especially an unpleasant one(usually used in the phrase at or on the receiving end)


?

这里有一份优雅的学习指南,点击查看

?


?访问取经号官网

网站域名 qujinghao.com,即“取经号”的全拼

?外刊资源

后台回复 外刊,获取《经济学人》等原版外刊获得方法

?关注取经号

扫描 二维码,关注跑得快的取经号(id: JTWest


【纽约时报】美国:昔日的大熔炉,今日的内斗战场


<原文链接:https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/26/magazine/does-american-tribalism-end-in-a-compromise-or-a-fight.html>

始发于微信公众号: 取经号JTW

One Comment

  1. Grace Grace
    QQbrowser QQbrowser Android 5.1 Android 5.1
    Mozilla/5.0 (Linux; U; Android 5.1; en-us; vivo X6D Build/LMY47I) AppleWebKit/537.36 (KHTML, like Gecko) Version/4.0 Chrome/57.0.2987.132 MQQBrowser/8.7 Mobile Safari/537.36

    倒数第二段的第二句, the argument goes, 这句是否应该翻译成:他们认为(或者该观点认为) 啊?
    放在这里的话,如果理解成与前面是顺承关系,那么,两个独立分句之间是不是缺连接词啊?
    这个就相当于,把 he argues放到中间来了,不是吗?
    浅陋拙见,见谅。

发表评论

电子邮件地址不会被公开。 必填项已用*标注